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Friday, June 12, 2026

Can Türkiye maintain its “African solutions to African problems” approach in Niger?

12 June 2026 14:50 (UTC+04:00)
Can Türkiye maintain its “African solutions to African problems” approach in Niger?
Akbar Novruz
Akbar Novruz
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The official visit of Nigerien President Abdourahamane Tchiani to Ankara has once again underscored the growing transformation of Türkiye’s Africa policy. More than a diplomatic engagement, the visit reflects Ankara’s effort to move beyond humanitarian assistance and establish long-term partnerships centered on defense, energy, trade, infrastructure, and industrial development.

Perhaps the visit comes at a time when the Sahel region is undergoing significant geopolitical change. Growing anti-Western sentiment, the withdrawal of traditional Western actors over the span of a few years, and increasing competition among emerging powers have created new opportunities for regional partnerships. For Türkiye, Niger’s vast uranium and critical mineral reserves carry strategic significance as Ankara advances its nuclear energy ambitions and broader clean energy objectives. For Niger, cooperation with Türkiye could offer an opportunity to diversify foreign partnerships, strengthen local industries, and reduce dependence on traditional external powers.

A series of agreements signed during the visit, spanning education, healthcare, defense, mining, and economic cooperation, highlight the increasingly multidimensional nature of Türkiye-Niger relations.

Commenting on the evolving partnership to AzerNEWS, ANKASAM International Relations Specialist Goktuğ Çalışkan argued that Ankara’s ability to preserve its image as a non-hegemonic actor will depend on how it structures its growing presence in the country.

“Türkiye can only maintain this image by positioning itself as a ‘capacity-building partner.’ To do this, it needs to steer military cooperation in Niger away from the logic of permanent occupation or bases, focusing instead on training, consultancy, joint exercises, and strengthening the institutional capacity of the local army. Adding a civilian component to every defense project – for example, investments in infrastructure, health, agriculture, or education – will shift Ankara's presence on the ground from the perception of being ‘just a country selling weapons’ to a development-oriented partnership framework.

Furthermore, making Niger's priorities visible in decision-making processes and establishing transparent communication with local parliaments and public opinion will be crucial. Türkiye doesn't need to deny its own interests; however, it needs to concretize these interests through projects that strengthen, rather than weaken, Niger's sovereignty, and provide employment and technology transfer to the local economy. However, such an approach could make the discourse of ‘African solutions to African problems’ practically credible.”

As Western influence recedes in parts of the Sahel, countries such as Russia and China have expanded their presence through security cooperation, infrastructure projects, and economic investments. According to Çalışkan, Türkiye currently occupies a different position within this landscape.

“For now, Türkiye's role is more complementary. While Russia stands out with its regime security and hard power capabilities, and China with its financing and infrastructure projects, Ankara enters the field with more flexible, medium-sized but technologically effective defense products and training programs. For Niger, this means diversified security and economic partners in the short term, reducing the political costs of dependence on a single power. Türkiye's diplomatic language and emphasis on ‘equal partnership’ in Africa offer local actors a different option compared to Moscow and Beijing.

However, expecting a completely conflict-free scenario in the long term would not be realistic. The question of which country's standards will be adopted in strategic areas such as security architecture, mining licenses, ports, and logistics corridors will inevitably create competition. Ankara's smart strategy should be a flexible approach that prioritizes Niger's sovereign preferences, involving cooperation in some areas and controlled competition in others, rather than playing a zero-sum game with Russia and China. In this way, Türkiye can project a profile not as a ‘power fighting with third actors’ but as a partner that sets the rules of the game with the local authority and manages the competition.”

One of the most strategically significant aspects of the partnership concerns Niger’s uranium reserves, which have traditionally been dominated by foreign companies and are increasingly attracting attention amid global competition for critical resources. Çalışkan noted that while access to Nigerien uranium may support Türkiye’s long-term energy ambitions, significant challenges remain.

“Here, we must start with the practical and logistical obstacles. Because Niger is a landlocked country, uranium must be transported by sea through one or more neighboring countries to reach Türkiye. This necessitates long-term transit agreements with countries like Algeria, Libya, Tunisia, or Benin and Nigeria, as well as secure corridors and rail/road infrastructure. Each transit route comes with its own internal security risks, bureaucratic obstacles, and insurance costs, making the supply chain both costly and fragile.

The second dimension is the international legal framework. The extraction, processing, and transportation of uranium and other nuclear raw materials are subject to strict control. The Non-Proliferation Treaty, the International Atomic Energy Agency's safety standards, and related export control regimes are binding on all parties. Therefore, Türkiye needs to build a comprehensive supply regime for every shipment from Niger, including transparent monitoring mechanisms, a registration system, safety protocols, and environmental standards.

The third obstacle is at the political and societal level; the transportation of radioactive materials can raise environmental and health concerns both in Niger and in transit countries, leading to serious objections from local opposition and civil society. Ankara must therefore treat uranium procurement not merely as a technical ‘import’ issue, but as a multi-layered process involving diplomacy, security, environmental law, and public diplomacy.”

Taken together, Çalışkan views the Türkiye-Niger partnership as part of Ankara’s broader effort to establish itself as a long-term strategic actor in Africa. Rather than relying solely on military cooperation or economic engagement, Türkiye appears to be pursuing a multidimensional approach that combines security, development, trade, and institutional cooperation, while attempting to distinguish itself from both Western and non-Western competitors operating across the continent

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