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Akbar Novruz

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As tensions remain delicate in the South Caucasus despite recent breakthroughs, Elchin Amirbayov, the Representative of the President of Azerbaijan for Special Assignments, sheds light on the peace process with Armenia, Yerevan’s internal obstacles, and the broader geopolitical dynamics at play. A seasoned diplomat and longtime critic of Western mediators, Amirbayov argues that Azerbaijan is committed to achieving a sustainable peace, but one that cannot be reversed by future political shifts or nationalist impulses in Armenia.

Azernews presents the interview:

Q: Regarding the peace agreement with Armenia, what specific steps is Azerbaijan taking to ensure it truly leads to lasting peace?

All articles of the peace agreement have been agreed upon. What is preventing its signing is the fact that the Armenian Constitution is in conflict with the content of the peace deal. We want the Armenian side to amend its Constitution [renouncing claims to Garabagh] so that it aligns with the letter and spirit of the agreement. Azerbaijan seeks a sustainable peace—one that is not vulnerable to revanchism or a future shift in Armenia’s position. Armenia’s refusal to amend its Constitution raises doubts in Azerbaijan about the sincerity of its declared intentions. I believe that if we look at the work already done, Armenia and Azerbaijan have come a long way. Therefore, we hope that Armenia will show political will to resolve the two remaining issues.

Q: But such constitutional reform could take quite some time in Armenia—likely not before 2026. How can the peace plan move forward without risking a half-finished outcome?

What we’re hearing from Armenia is that they plan to put the new Constitution to a referendum sometime next year, likely after the June 2026 elections. We share the sentiment of those who believe this is too long a wait.

Q: Critics claim that Azerbaijan holds the upper hand, especially since Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan faces internal opposition when discussing concessions to Baku, while Azerbaijan has no visible opposition. Some NGOs say you repress dissent.

That completely contradicts reality. We have opposition, we have free press, we have an open internet—in fact, there are many critics of the government on various topics. But on this particular issue, there is unanimity in Azerbaijani society. The opposition has nothing to criticize, because the government resolved the issue of occupation that lasted 30 years. Supported by the people and the army, the government restored historical justice and international law. Today everyone talks about territorial integrity and international law violations, but Azerbaijan was one of the first countries to face such violations in the early 1990s. So I would ask those NGOs and critics you mention: where were they back then? Why were they silent? Were they too timid—or simply incompetent?

We invoked Article 51 of the UN Charter—the right to self-defense—and resolved the matter strictly in line with international law. Meanwhile, the Armenian opposition advocates war. They oppose peace with Azerbaijan. They oppose normalization with Türkiye. They still live in dreams of revenge.

Q: One unresolved issue is the Zangezur corridor, to link mainland Azerbaijan with the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic. You want no customs or Armenian security forces there.

What we want from Armenia is for them to implement the commitments they made back in 2020 regarding this matter. Unimpeded access means that nothing should hinder passage through the 43-kilometer Zangezur corridor—from one part of Azerbaijan to another. The second commitment was that this corridor’s security would not be managed by Armenian forces but by Russian border guards.

Armenia is completely isolated today. All critical infrastructure—pipelines, railways—bypass Armenia. Its borders with Türkiye and Azerbaijan are closed. It only has open borders with Iran and Georgia. Armenia can end its regional isolation. If it fulfills its commitments, it can become a transit country for East-West and West-East trade flows.

Q: Armenia is disappointed with Russia, feeling that Moscow didn’t defend it. Given Russia’s focus on Ukraine and its waning influence in the region, what’s Azerbaijan’s view of its future relationship with Russia?

I don’t understand why Armenia thought Russia should defend it against Azerbaijan. If you're referring to the 2020 war, it took place entirely within the internationally recognized territory of Azerbaijan.

Q: But there were attacks later in areas outside of Garabagh.

There were ceasefire violations by both sides at various points.

Q: Still, Armenia is a member of the Russia-led Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), whereas Azerbaijan is not.

If you read the CSTO charter, you'll see that Russia has obligations only if a member's territory is occupied. Today, there’s nothing to suggest that Azerbaijan occupies any Armenian territory—because there’s no formally defined border yet. When Armenia illegally occupied 20% of our land, that was our problem, and we resolved it ourselves.

Q: Armenia wants to use Soviet-era maps to define borders, while Azerbaijan prefers maps that reflect current realities. Can you reach a consensus?

We've already made significant progress on border delimitation—we agreed on the legal framework to guide both commissions. It’s not just about maps; delimitation is a detailed and lengthy process. We've already demarcated 12 kilometers of the border and are continuing. In total, the border stretches over 1,000 kilometers, so it will take years.

Q: What about the return of Armenians to Garabagh? Do they have a future in Azerbaijan?

Some Armenians are still there. Those who left were given all the conditions to stay and integrate into the Azerbaijani state—but they chose to leave. Let’s also remember that, as a result of this conflict, hundreds of thousands of Azerbaijanis were expelled from Armenia—about 300,000 people during the Soviet era. At the end of the 1980s and early 1990s, they were subjected to ethnic cleansing.

There’s a difference here: we gave Armenians every opportunity to stay. We didn’t force them to leave. So if we’re talking about return, we have to talk about the return of all—yes, including Azerbaijanis. And don’t forget the landmine issue, which only affects Azerbaijan, since all the mines were planted on our territory. We’re talking about 1.5 million mines. Since the ceasefire, there have been 397 mine-related casualties; before that, 340 people had already fallen victim. And we’ve only cleared 17% of the mined area so far.