Hedge-Fund guys dathering at Tech Industry's gate
By Bloomberg
Never has techland felt the influence of activist investor so
acutely, with a Who's Who of hedge-fund luminaries transforming the
investing landscape. Jesse Cohn of Elliott Management is pushing
EMC to spin off VMWare. Dan Loeb reshaped Yahoo's board and
installed Marissa Mayer as chief executive, and now Starboard Value
wants to break up the company. Value Act's Jeffrey Ubben pushed
Steve Ballmer out of Microsoft. And Carl Icahn has been an agitator
in the industry for the past seven years.
Lots of public companies have responded by shoring up weaknesses
before they attract unwanted attention and creating plans for when
the hedge-fund guys call.
But some tech businesses seem to have a built-in activist
repellent: a dual-class share structure that keeps power in the
hands of management.
Facebook is the poster child for this type of arrangement. The
company's Chief Executive Officer Mark Zuckerberg owns a minority
stake, but his special share-class holdings give him a majority of
the voting rights. This structure gives Zuckerberg a lot of
freedom, like the ability to do a megadeal, like the WhatsApp
purchase with very little interference from the board, shareholders
or outside dealmakers.
Soon after Facebook's initial public offering, Bloomberg News noted
that multiple-share classes had become the new normal in Silicon
Valley. And many of the companies that went public during the past
decade adopted some version of this structure, including Google,
Groupon, LinkedIn, Twitter, Zillow and Zynga. The leaders of the
Chinese online retailers JD.com and Alibaba are also insulated from
outside forces.
In its F-1 filing before going public, Alibaba explains why its
share structure gives the executive stakeholders more power than
common shareholders:
Our company will not make decisions based on short-term revenues or
profits. Our strategies will be implemented with mission-driven,
long-term development in mind...
In the interest of building a business ecosystem that is healthy,
sustainable and growing, the corporate charter of the company
empowers the partners in the Alibaba Partnership to have a strong
say in charting the strategic direction and moral compass of the
company.
The situation is more extreme at JD.com. TheStreet.com notes that
the founder has virtually no oversight, given that he can cancel
and otherwise control board meetings.
When shareholders have so few rights it's hard for hedge funds to
get much leverage. Even if they rally the support of all the common
shareholders, their efforts can be blocked by management.
Unsurprisingly, the most successful activist campaigns have been
against older companies such as Yahoo and Microsoft, where
share-class structure doesn't so blatantly protect the
executives.
Activists have been stymied in situations where the founders have a
lot of control. Jana Partners, for example, seems to have sold its
position in Zynga, which was early to the dual-share class trend,
without much to show for it. The stock went public at $10 and it
traded at about $3.50 when Jana's stake was revealed in May 2013.
Even after founder Mark Pincus was pushed out of the company, he
still controlled 62 percent of the voting rights. The stock now
hovers around $2.25.
This isn't to say that Jana couldn't have made money on Zynga, but
broadly speaking shareholders didn't benefit from the campaign. The
Web-based game designer has yet to execute a turnaround and the
stock reflects that.
(Jana seems to still have increased its stake in Groupon, another
stock that favors management. Shares of the online-coupon
distributor are trading right where they were when news hit that
the fund had taken a position.)
With the activists buzzing tech, some bankers say that late-stage
private companies have started to think about how to tangle with
cage-rattling hedge funds too. They're being factored into the cost
of being a public company, just like Sarbanes-Oxley compliance, as
executives prepare for IPOs. The specter of an activist at the gate
strengthens the case for multiple share classes that keep the
founder in control.
But history has shown that share classes don't protect
underperforming companies forever. Newspaper companies such as the
New York Times, Dow Jones and the Washington Post famously used
tiered-share structures to keep power in the hands of family-owned
trusts. But the Bancroft family was forced to sell Dow Jones to
Rupert Murdoch and the Grahams sold the Post to Amazon's Jeff
Bezos.
Voting rights may be a buffer, but they're not a permanent barrier
against outside pressure. Ubben and Cohn are at the height of their
influence. Boards are said to fear them. If they sense that
dual-class share structures are crimping returns or otherwise
hurting investors, the activists won't be held at bay forever.
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