Azernews.Az

Qabil Ashirov

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When evaluating Azerbaijan–Iran relations, focusing solely on the past 34 years since Azerbaijan’s independence gives a narrow and incomplete picture. The ties between these two nations go back thousands of years. Culturally, they are so intertwined that it is often impossible to determine where Azerbaijani culture ends and Persian culture begins. As Mammad Amin Rasulzadeh once said, the oral folk literature of ancient and medieval Azerbaijan is entirely Turkic, while its written literature is largely under Iranian influence.

But the relationship is not confined to culture alone. In governance and statecraft, Azerbaijan and Iran have been bound together by strong historical ties. In ancient Iran, political power and religious authority were often shared between Azerbaijanis and Persians. Even the name “Azerbaijan,” meaning “the guardian of fire,” symbolizes this deep connection.

Yet despite these historic bonds, there have always been “weeds” trying to poison relations. Unfortunately, one of the most prominent of these today is former Iranian foreign policy figure Ali Akbar Velayati. For years, Velayati has been delivering hate-filled statements about Azerbaijan, seizing every opportunity to disrupt a relationship that could be built on mutual respect.

With Pezeshkian’s election as president, there have been signs of a thaw in Azerbaijan–Iran relations. Political dialogue has intensified, economic cooperation opportunities are expanding, and shared positions on regional security issues are emerging. But individuals like Velayati seem determined to sabotage this rapprochement for the sake of their personal hostilities.

The historic peace declaration signed in Washington on August 8, 2025, between Azerbaijan and Armenia marked a turning point for the region’s future. It ended more than three decades of bloody conflict, opening the door to new economic and political realities in the South Caucasus. These realities would benefit not only Azerbaijan and Armenia but also Iran and other regional states. Yet Velayati used the moment to unleash another wave of venom against Azerbaijan.

When news broke that the United States would lease the Armenian section of the Zangezur Corridor for 99 years, Velayati’s criticism was once again directed solely at Azerbaijan—as if these companies were to operate not along Armenia’s border with Iran, but along Azerbaijan’s border with Iran. This is nothing more than political manipulation. More curiously, while the Iranian government itself has not issued an official position on the matter, Velayati has acted as though he were the state’s chief spokesman.

His statements are not diplomacy—they are deliberate provocations. Such rhetoric sows doubt among friends and gives hope to enemies. It is precisely because of misguided advisors like Velayati that Iran has long been isolated in international politics. Sanctions, a lack of foreign investment, and technological stagnation may partly stem from Western policies, but they are also the result of disastrous strategic guidance from figures like him.

Today, Iran’s GDP per capita stands at roughly $4,000—the lowest in the region. Even Armenia, with two of its four borders closed, has outpaced Iran in economic growth. Against such a backdrop, Velayati’s targeting of Azerbaijan is nothing but an attempt to distract from Tehran’s own failures.

Despite Velayati’s aggressive rhetoric, Azerbaijan continues to pursue a pragmatic course in both regional cooperation and bilateral relations. The Iranian leadership now faces a choice: preserve and strengthen centuries of friendship and brotherhood, or allow destructive figures like Velayati to dictate policy and squander historic opportunities.

The day will come when people like Velayati will have to answer to history. Every threat and slander he directs at Azerbaijan is, in truth, a blow to Iran’s own future. And in that sense, having such a man as our adversary only reaffirms one thing: we are on the right path.